Councils need a strong voice through the LGA willing to challenge the Government, says John Tizard
This summer, the Local Government Association (LGA) will have both a new political leader and a new chief executive.
Both appointees, whoever they may be, will have to hit Smith Square running. They will inherit an organisation bruised by the inevitable downsizing and reorganisation, and less inevitably, by the tactics of the Government.
The political complexion and balance of the LGA’s general assembly will tilt slightly in the direction of the Labour Opposition, but for at least another 12 months, it will be dominated by the Conservatives, with or without their national government coalition partners, the Liberal Democrats.
However, the immediate and overriding demand on the energy and political skills of the LGA leadership would be the same, whichever political party was to hold its key political offices.
The most important actions and focus must be external, and aimed at central government and local authority members. Of course, the current internal changes and challenges have to be addressed in order to stabilise the organisation and make it fit for purpose – and attractive to member local authorities which otherwise might disaffiliate.
However, the internal structures and capacity must be shaped in a way which maximises the effectiveness of the LGA’s lobbying and influencing. The Government makes much noise about localism, but does less to demonstrate a commitment to strong, effective local government. Indeed, many of its actions would seem to be designed to belittle and undermine local government.
There is no consistency of approach to local government between Whitehall departments, and while the DCLG is doing much to ‘free’ local authorities from centrally-driven targets and performance management, it is failing to persuade other departments to join it. And, indeed, is itself prone to interfere from on high, as with refuse collection, senior officer pay and even street party administration.
Much of the Government’s localism agenda is designed to bypass town halls. The constant, shrill statements about senior pay are seemingly designed to undermine local public confidence in local government. And as for the DCLG’s agreement with the Treasury on the local government finance settlement, it would be hard to find much sign of friendship towards local government.
The LGA did not come through the local government finance settlement well. It feels let down by central government.
It seemingly had hoped for much greater freedoms and powers for local authorities in exchange for some less money but not for the degree and intensity of these front-loaded cuts.
It may have hoped to have been able to realise the full potential of ‘Total Place’ and for councils to have become the strategic commissioner for most, if not all local public services. These ambitions did not come to pass. So what next?
I contend that the prime roles for the LGA should be to:
speak up for local government, its democratic legitimacy, its successes and its capacity to departments across central government, the media and the public; and address both the fact and causes of the very low reputation in which local government is currently held by the public; and championing local governance, local accountability, local choice and local differences
robustly defend local government from unfair and unreasonable media and political attacks
strive for a constitutional settlement for local government and, in so doing, lobby and influence effectively in Whitehall and with those who in turn influence governments – and potential governments – for greater devolved powers to local authorities. This should include a greater strategic influence and possibly some control over policing, the NHS, welfare to work programmes and other welfare services and local criminal justice services; the retention of planning powers; and an abandonment of the proposal for elected police and crime commissioners
argue for a comprehensive review of local government finance which balances greater local tax-raising powers and accountability with some necessary residual national redistribution system – a system that itself should be controlled by a body independent of central government with Parliament setting the policy parameters
develop and propose new electoral models for the election of mayors and councillors, including some form of local primaries and proportional representation; and work with the political parties to enhance the calibre and choice of candidates
promote and develop new models for the role of community councillors; their community leadership role; and their all-important scrutiny responsibilities
encourage locally-determined approaches to localism, including community empowerment; devolution; and partnership with the voluntary and community sector
challenge local authorities to up their game – to secure better outcomes, use scarce resources more effectively and efficiently, be exemplar employers, foster and encourage the development of talent, promote innovation, be willing to transform their own organisations and the services for which they are responsible, and share and cede power and resources where this is in the local interest. Accordingly, the LGA has to be ready to challenge any complacency and under-performance in the system, for this ultimately damages the whole sector
broker shared arrangements, partnerships and voluntary mergers between authorities where there is local support, and a financial, operational or democratic imperative for such approaches
establish national and regional capacity to maximise the spending power of local authorities in the commodity and service markets
establish arrangements to maximise the combined investment portfolio power of local authorities to enhance returns and better manage risk
above all, champion local government as precisely that – ‘local government’ with a democratic legitimacy and seek protection for its constitutional position relative to Westminster and Whitehall.
This is not a call to arms to defend conservatism or for the return to some ‘golden age’ of local government. There has to be change to reflect demographic, technological and cultural change in the wider economy and society.
Local government has to be the champion of change and, in so doing, be ready to challenge its own orthodoxy, vested interests and comfort zones. And it has to encourage others to challenge it.
The LGA must be well placed to lead the national debate on a new local governance, localism beyond the town hall, and a new relationship between Whitehall and town hall.
This is not a particularly bold agenda but it is an urgent one, based on a strong commitment to effective democratic local government.
If the LGA is to champion this cause, it cannot be distracted by becoming a regulator of its members – although it may sensibly retain some sanctions to deal with the worst-performing and behaving authorities which damage the sector as a whole.
The LGA cannot and should not function in isolation. It has to forge partnerships with the national bodies representing other key elements of civil society and public services, including the community, voluntary and third sectors; education; health; criminal justice; transport; businesses – large and small; and the trade unions.
It should work with these and other bodies to develop new models of service delivery, new forms of cross-sector relationships, and to address the big issues of the day. Through example, it should demonstrate by its actions at a national level what should be expected at a local level. It should not seek to control local authorities or impose national approaches.
The LGA requires a constructive relationship with government – politicians and civil servants; with the opposition parties; and with members of Parliament. There is much to be done to repair some relationships, but the key focus must be to go forward and not dwell on the past – or even the present.
The new chair and the new chief executive will face big challenges, but they have to be ready and able to forge ahead. They must win the confidence and support of the vast majority of councillors and staff across local government. And, more importantly, they have to work with the same people to secure the support of the citizens of this country.
Local government needs a strong and effective voice – and it needs it now.
John Tizard is director of the Centre for Public Service Partnerships, and is a former council leader
